There is no reason why there should not be debate here about the need to change the way the House operates and the practices which may be in existence for decades. As Deputy Eoghan Murphy argued, we should address the elements that should be changed, and I have no problem with the debate or the Technical Group raising those issues.

The point regarding the Whip system has been ventilated and I will not repeat it other than to pose a question. How could it be abolished and who would do so? How can the Dáil determine that people cannot come together in a voluntary way through a political party, make decisions together by compromise and come to the House to vote in a particular way? It is not open to the Dáil to abolish the party political system or the Whips in the sense proposed in the motion. As a result the argument against the Whip system is really unconvincing, demonstrating a frustration which Independents in the Dáil and Seanad have with the system. That is natural and although there is a luxury in being an Independent, those Members must also face the obstacles relating to the processing of business and the ability, essentially, to get work done in this Parliament. As Deputy Stagg and others have argued, practices have evolved through political parties because they are at the heart of our current system. Apart from that it is good to have this debate.

Everybody is in favour of reform and apart from the Whip issue, we are probably all in agreement. There is very little difference between the original motion and the amendments. Calling for reform is one thing, but implementing it or setting it out on paper is another. Prior to the election, the Labour Party carefully and at some length examined this issue. My colleague, the Minister, Deputy Brendan Howlin, set out in a document 140 proposals for genuinely radical change that would appeal to Members on all sides of the House. It took us a considerable period to analyse the problem and set out proposals which could be implemented.

Deputy Murphy is right to express frustration at how the House operates but change requires the unpicking of entrenched practices and the way business has been done for many years. Every time we look at a practice we can find a reason for its existence. Although we may want to get rid of it, we can see the rationale behind it so we have to unpick the practice in order to change it. We should do that, and every Member should be involved in the process. The necessity for reform should not be the subject of contentious debate, although some of the individual aspects may cause people to differ. Deputy Stagg is right when he states that the process is ongoing and the impression should not be given that the matter is purely within the remit of the Government. Opposition parties should be involved, and I hope they will be.

I was struck by some of the debate, particularly when Deputy Catherine Murphy spoke more broadly about civic morality. It was a good issue to bring to the heart of the debate. There is a great expectation amongst the people for this Dáil. This does not just relate to the economy and the principal issues that must be addressed, but how we do our business. People expect change and want to see it happening. That is a reason for us to proceed with the constitutional convention, although there is little detail yet as to how it will operate. That would be a genuine opportunity for us to examine the kind of republic we have and the sort of change we want to see in the republic.

I will comment on the committee system. There is general agreement that the committees should be vested with real powers. The committees should be given a genuinely enhanced status. It should not just be a question of rhetoric that the Government will take committees seriously – as I am sure it will – and provide additional resources; we must see that happen. As parliamentarians we should stand up for the Parliament and our independent role, separate from the Government, even if we support that Government. We have a crucial role to play on behalf of the people who sent us here. We are right to demand that the Government should take the committees seriously, attend them and resource them. They should have an enhanced status.

We also have a responsibility in regard to how we conduct our business in committees. They ought not to be opportunities for grandstanding and set pieces, and we need to learn discipline with regard, for example, to scrutinising witnesses and asking questions. Many people have forgotten how to ask questions. A question is not a statement. I say with all due respect to my colleagues that we should take the committee system seriously. Let us be seen to make it work rather than simply expect the Government to do all the work.

It will operate as follows:

Current route to Kilgobbin Road then right at junction Leopardstown Road and left onto M50 parallel road from Sandyford to Junction 13 (M50) then right and left onto Brehon Field Road, right to Stone Masons Way, right to Broadford Road, left to Ballinteer Avenue, Wyckham Way, left to Ballinteer Road, right and then left onto Main Street Dundrum and last stop at Luas Interchange (Taney Road), Dundrum.

It will operate every 30 minutes. Implementation will take place Friday 3rd June 2011.

Please come along and enjoy the fun and the atmosphere! It takes place at the Whitechurch National School & Grounds.

For further details see:

http://whitechurch.dublin.anglican.org/

I detect from Deputy Calleary and some of his colleagues mounting frustration over the extent to which Members on the Government side and, perhaps, public commentators argue that policies promulgated by the previous Government are at the heart of our problems. But that argument is unanswerable. I will not repeat it; suffice it to say it goes way beyond the normal rhetoric people somewhat cynically expect from any new Government, the kind that every new Government allows itself to indulge for a few weeks or months.

What happened over the past 12 to 15 months and also the past 12 to 15 years has created a legacy not only of incompetence but also of manifestly failed policies. These were then matched with even worse failure in the attempt to reverse the effects of the decisions that were made. We have discovered that every decision made from the guarantee onwards was not only substantially wrong in itself, but actually had the effect of reducing the options the Government would have available subsequently in seeking to rectify what had been done. This was the case right up the bailout. Yesterday Deputy Michael McGrath said that before Christmas the then Opposition parties described the bailout as an “obscenity” and a “disaster” and stated those parties are not saying that now they are in government.

Not so. In truth, it remains the case that what was done constituted an obscenity and a disaster.

There is no use in criticising people for using the word “straitjacket”, which is not a word discovered only after the election. I distinctly remember the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Rabbitte, using it prior to the election when assessing what had been done in respect of the bailout and agreement. I remember using the term myself. We stated the bailout would constitute an enormous constraint on the economic independence of the country for years. Deputy Brian Lenihan, who was Minister for Finance, told me in the Seanad that he had written the next four budgets for this country. He was revelling in this. Let me quote him almost exactly verbatim: “I have written the budgets for the next four years in this country and you will depart from them at your peril.” He did not tell us at that stage what he told us later, namely, that he was not actually holding the pen when writing those budgets, and that the budgets and economic decision-making were being done outside the country. That government surrendered the economic independence of the country on key budgetary and economic issues in the course of the bailout they entered into.

The new Government is criticised for embracing the bailout in a manner that suggests we think it is a good thing. This is not the case at all. What the Government must do is live in the real world. That is what it is doing in addition to setting up a track of renegotiation, pursuing changes in the agreement and seriously raising the question of burden-sharing. The government was told that burden-sharing would not be countenanced by the European Central Bank, or our “Frankfurt masters” as Deputy O’Dea described them yesterday, but it pushed it in a robust way. By the way, whose fault is it that we have “Frankfurt masters”? We will have to return to the issue of burden sharing because the level of debt is not sustainable in the medium to longer term. This is my personal view from what I observe and read. The debt will not be sustainable without serious concessions, be it through restructuring of the interest rate or the payback time or otherwise.

Addressing this is the challenge the Government is confronting. But the Minister for Social Protection, Deputy Burton, is absolutely correct in saying that it was never believed this would be a “sprint” or that renegotiation could take place in 24 hours, and that everything would be delivered. It is a marathon not a sprint. Deputy Donnelly made the fair point that we should put together a team and work together – we should get going on this – but prolonged engagement in the rhetoric that the Government parties are “acquiescing” in the bailout, as suggested by some Opposition parties, is not beneficial. Living in the real world is what we are doing. In addition to keeping gardaí, nurses and others paid and the State functioning, we are turning our attention to bringing about serious change and surmounting the problems we face.

There are three broad areas we must address.

First, we must address how we reached the current position, and we can do this through committees of the House or the banking inquiry mentioned by Deputy Dara Calleary, on which the Government has started the ball rolling. Second, how do we get out of this situation? The Government is turning its attention to this question. I heard two colleagues describe the jobs initiative to be introduced next week as a damp squib. I could not describe anything I have not seen as a damp squib. Deputy Willie O’Dea said he thought it would be, but, to be fair to him, he said he hoped it would not, which is something. Let us wait and see next Tuesday.

The third issue is how to ensure we never return to this position. That is a challenge for the Government which is also being addressed, whether it is through a change in the way the Houses operate and scrutinise business, or wider reform including constitutional change. All of the areas the Government has indicated it intends to pursue will be addressed.

The notion has been put forth by some Sinn Féin Members that the Government has comfortably slipped into the chair of governing and decided that this deal is wonderful and that it will just sit back. That is not the position and I do not believe Deputy Pearse Doherty really believes it is. However, his position appears to be reduced to the following proposition, that if we remove Deputies Michael Noonan and Brendan Howlin, whom Deputy Dara Calleary has fairly indicated are very experienced people, from the negotiating table in Frankfurt and replace them with Deputies Pearse Doherty and Mary Lou McDonald or Caoimhghín Ó Caoláin, the great Sinn Fein negotiating skills will be of such strength and power that they will overwhelm the ECB and the European institutions and that when they return from Frankfurt 24 hours later, everything will be grand. The proposition with which the Deputy has sought to persuade the House on more than one occasion is that the Government lacks negotiating skills and that its members should take a crash course from Sinn Féin on negotiating. I thought he was joking, but his face was serious. The party would want to do better than that. I have no wish to offend anybody, but Sinn Féin had leverage in the negotiations that took place ten or more years ago which presumably is not available to it now.

Let us have a serious debate instead of this nonsense, whereby people think we can wish something away. Every time Deputy Mary Lou McDonald stands to speak, she seeks a vote on this issue. Will voting make the problems go away? She wants to see the Labour Party Members walk through the lobbies, the same lobbies her party’s Members walked through to support the bank guarantee in September 2008. They now say they had to do it to maintain money in the ATM machines. It is a new found interest in ATM machines. If we were to pursue the policies advocated by Sinn Féin in recent months, that we should turn our backs and tell the ECB to shove it, there would be nothing in ATM machines.

Deputy White said: “This is a vote of confidence not only in Dundrum Town Centre, but in the local economy and in the surrounding area.  Dublin South, like everywhere else, has been hit hard by the downturn.  Between 2006 and 2010, the live register had tripled in size in the locality.  I thoroughly welcome this investment from both international and Irish companies.

“This government’s priority is to achieve growth and create jobs. I will continue to support and encourage what is necessary to create the right business environment, so that announcements like these will become a more frequent occurrence.

I have been told today by Dublin Bus that, taking into account feedback from public representatives and the public, they now plan to re-route the existing 46N to cater for customers from Broadford, Ballinteer and Dundrum.

The new routing will be as follows:

Current routing to Kilgobbin Road in Sandyford and then Brehon Field Road, Stone Masons Way, Broadford Road, Ballinteer Avenue, Wyckham Way, Ballinteer Road, Main Street Dundrum and last stop at Luas Interchange (Taney Road), Dundrum.

This service will operate every 30 minutes from 12.00am to 4.00am.

Dublin Bus has applied to the National Transport Authority to operate the above route with commencement during May.

On Wednesday next, May 4th, Dublin Bus will bring their ‘Network Direct Roadshow’ to St John’s GAA Club, Ballinteer to hear from locals concerning changes for the Kilmacud, Goatstown, Ballinteer and Dundrum areas. The doors are open between 2pm and 8pm and I would encourage anyone wishing to have their voice heard to drop in and meet the members of Dublin Bus management. Commuters using routes 11, 11a, 11b, 14, 14a, 44, 44b and 48a will be particularly interested in the changes.

Among the proposed changes are:
• Route 14 and 14a will be amalgamated and will offer cross city options with direct connections to Connolly Rail Station, Fairview, Donnycarney and Beaumont Hospital
• Route 11 will operate as one service with all trips starting in Sandyford Industrial Estate (Beacon area) and serving Dublin City University (DCU) via Ranelagh and St Stephen’s Green
• Route 44 will continue to provide a direct connection from Enniskerry and Stepaside to the City Centre

Route Changes
Route 14 and 14a will be amalgamated and operate as route 14. The service will operate to Beaumont offering improved travel options for our customers. The route will operate from Dundrum Luas Station via Ballinteer Road, Ballinteer Avenue, Broadford Road, Barton Road East, Beaumont Avenue, Breamor Road, Braemor Park, Orwell Road, Highfield Road, Rathmines Road Upper, Rathmines Road Lower, Richmond Street South, Earlsfort Terrace, St. Stephen’s Green, O’Connell Bridge, Eden Quay, Connolly Rail Station, Fairview, Malahide Road, Collins Avenue, Beaumont Avenue, Beaumont Hospital and terminate opposite Artane Castle Shopping Centre (Ardlea Road/Maryfield Road).
Route 11/a/b will be amalgamated and operate as route 11. It will enhance the connections to Sandyford Industrial Estate from Ballymun, Finglas, Drumcondra, City Centre, Leeson Street, Ranelagh, Clonskeagh and Goatstown with all journeys terminating in Sandyford Industrial Estate (Beacon area). The revised services will be simplified with one route number operating the same alignment at all times.
Route 11a to Mather Road North and Route 11B to Wynnsward Drive (Belfield) will no longer operate.
Route 44 will continue to operate from Enniskerry to City Centre via Dundrum. The timetables will be simplified reflecting the customer demands on the route. Departures will be redesigned so they will operate at consistent intervals at all times.
Route 44b – no changes to route 44b are proposed.
Route 48a will no longer operate.

If you can’t make it and you still wish to comment on any proposed changes, you can email networkdirect@dublinbus.ie or feel free to contact my own office. Consultation closes on Saturday 14 May.

Eamon Gilmore TD after the Conference endorsed the Programme for Government

More than 1,000 members of the Labour Party gathered at the O’Reilly Hall at UCD in the heart of Dublin South to decide whether or not the party should go into government with Fine Gael. There was no sense of triumphalism or euphoria in the packed auditorium. Rather, there was a sense of trepidation amongst those present about what the future might hold not just for the Labour Party, but for the country as a whole. The draft programme for government presented is not the Labour Party manifesto, but according to Eamon Gilmore, it is driven by the values of the Labour Party. On the economic front, it contains a commitment to introducing a jobs plan as well as labour market activation strategies, establishing a strategic investment bank and renegotiating the EU/IMF framework. On the issue of reform, it contains a blueprint for a new way in which to conduct government business. Eamon Gilmore argued that the new government would not be a coalition in the old sense but rather a national government formed between the largest and second largest party in the state to deal with the challenges faced by the country. Thus, he said, the business of governing would be done on the basis of co-decision making and parity of esteem. At the core of the new governance system would be an economic management council or ‘war cabinet’ which will be the body that will decide all major economic issues. The council would be chaired by the Taoiseach, managed by the Tanaiste and made up of equal numbers drawn from both coalition parties. All relevant departments and agencies such as NAMA and the Regulator offices will be drawn into the council, which is intended to achieve the elusive ‘joined-up’ thinking on matters pertaining to the economy.

The programme for government contains the most radical platform of reform of the Dail and of the Civil Service that has ever been put before the people. Some of these proposed reforms will require constitutional changes, in particular, changes that will empower parliament to hold the government and the civil service to account. Fundamentally, there will be an attempt to rebalance the relationship between the oireachtas and the executive. Under recent administrations, the Oireachtas was effectively circumvented by a highly centralized and sometime ‘out of control’ executive.

In the debate that followed many delegates warned that the Labour Party in government with Fine Gael would face the same fate as the Liberal Democrats in in government with the Tories in Britain. In the recent Barnsley byelection, for instance, the Lib Dems came in 6th behind a pot pourri of other candidates. Others argued that the time for Labour was not now, but in five years time when Labour might be strong enough to lead a left government. Ruairi Quinn countered that the epithet “Labour must wait” had confined the party to opposition for generations. Joan Burton argued that economic renewal and recovery are conditional on high standards of probity in every aspect of Irish life, and that the Labour Party entering government could play a key role in ending cronyism and corruption in Irish politics. But perhaps the most compelling argument was made by Susan O’Keeffe who argued that Fianna Fail had always put party first, and country, second. The Labour Party must put the people first ahead of party considerations. The party must work as hard as it can and as long as it can to change the country for the better.

The motion to enter government was passed overwhelmingly. It is a very high risk strategy for the Labour Party. But politics is ultimately about the exercise of power, and if the Labour Party can exercise power in the public interest in the coming years the country as a whole can only benefit. Its time now to get to work.

More :: Click here to read the Programme for Government
More :: Click here to watch the proceedings again. I make a speech at 1hr 9mins.

On saturday afternoon we rewarded ourselves with a delicious lunch in Michael’s of Mount Merrion.

Sunday at the O’Reilly Hall at UCD- in the heart of Dublin South- was a big day for the Labour Party.  More than 1,000 delegates from all over Ireland met to debate the merits of the Programme for Government hammered out between Labour and Fine Gael over the last week.  I felt immensely proud of our Party’s thoughtful and deliberative approach to the question in hand, whether or not we should enter into a partnership government.  The atmosphere in the O’Reilly Hall was electric.  After several hours debate, the special delegate conference voted overwhelmingly to enter government.  I believe that the Labour Party now has a historic opportunity to shape the recovery of this country.  I am confident that we will demonstrate  to the people, why the Labour Party is entirely worthy of the trust that has been placed in us.